The U.S. occupation of Haiti, Part II

"I wrote the Haitian Constitution myself, and if I do say it, I think it is a pretty good constitution."
— Franklin D. Roosevelt, Aug. 18, 1920

The utter chaos that reigned in Port-au-Prince following the overthrow of the last of Haiti's "ephemeral" governments in July 1915 persuaded a reluctant Woodrow Wilson to undertake a complete takeover of that country's political and financial affairs. Navy paymasters were posted in Haitian ports to collect customs duties, the principal source of government revenue. U.S. Marines disarmed rebel militia and forced their withdrawal from Haiti's cities and towns.

The problem remained of how to deal with Haiti's Congress, which almost immediately began to press for the election of a new president and withdrawal of Marines. In an August 4th memo to Secretary of State Robert Lansing, Wilson spelled out what he wanted done:

"We must let the present Congress know that we will protect it but that we will not recognize any action on its part which does not put men in charge of affairs whom we can trust to handle and put an end to revolution.

"We must give all who now have authority there or who desire to have it or who think they have it or are about to have it to understand that we shall take steps to prevent the payment of debts contracted to finance revolutions: in other words that we consider it our duty to insist upon constitutional government there and will, if necessary (that is, if they force us to it as the only way) take charge of elections and see that a real government is erected which we can support."

Largely brokered by Adm. Caperton's chief of staff, Capt. Edward L. Beach, an interim agreement was negotiated formalizing American control. An exultant Captain Beach wrote that "Port-au-Prince has the appearance of being owned in fee simple by U.S. Marines."

One of the first acts undertaken was the disbandment of the regular Haitian armed forces, which prior to 1915 consisted of 38 line and 4 artillery regiments, 4 regiments of the presidential guard, and a gendarmerie of 1800 men. The paper strength of this force was about 11,000 men, officered by 308 generals and 50 colonels. A new Gendarmerie d' Haiti, responsible for policing the entire country, was established. It consisted of some 2,500 Haitians, mostly privates, and 115 American commissioned and non-commissioned officers. It was initially commanded by Maj. Smedley D. Butler, a Medal of Honor recipient and an iconic figure in U.S. Marine Corps history. The number of Marines in Haiti during the occupation peaked at about 500.

With the country secured, Haiti's tangled financial affairs were next put in some semblance of order. No government payments were permitted without the approval of an American financial adviser. The public debt was consolidated and plans for its retirement put in place. Roads were built, making it possible for the first time to travel by automobile from Port-au-Prince to Cap Haitian. Technical and agricultural schools were established. Foreign investment was encouraged. (The Constitution prior to 1915 expressly forbade white ownership of Haitian land; when the U.S. withdrew, this provision was reinstated.)

Racism, real and imagined, made the task of governing Haiti during the Occupation an almost impossible one. From the very beginning, U.S. and Haitian newspapers, missionaries, civil rights groups, and out of office politicians hammered U.S. Marines and overworked civilian officials with outrageous, unsubstantiated, and often patently false accusations.

This from an article published in 1920 in the American journal The Nation is quite typical of much distributed both before and after:

"The history of the American invasion of Haiti is only additional evidence that the United States is among those Powers in whose international dealings democracy and freedom are mere words, and human lives negligible in face of racial snobbery, political chicane, and money. The five years of American occupation, from 1915 to 1920, have served as a commentary upon the white civilization which still burns black men and women at the stake. For Haitian men, women, and children, to a number estimated at 3,000, innocent for the most part of any offense, have been shot down by American machine guns and rifle bullets; black men and women have been put to torture to make them give information; theft, arson and murder have been committed almost with impunity upon the persons and property of Haitians by white men wearing the uniform of the United States…."

Critics of the Occupation never acknowledged, many perhaps never knew, that racism within Haiti itself was particularly widespread and virulent.

In the end, of course, domestic political pressures in the United States forced President Herbert Hoover to begin the process of bringing the Occupation to a close. On Aug. 15, 1934, the Occupation formally ended. Haitian President Stenio Vincent wrote the following to President Franklin D. Roosevelt:

"After the impressive ceremony of yesterday afternoon which took place in a perfect atmosphere of friendship, I am happy at the moment when the last marines are embarking to renew to you the assurance of my gratitude, that of the Government, and of the Haitian people for your generous and intelligent policy of the good neighbor which has effectively aided me in accomplishing national liberation and which ensures the continuation of the cordial relations now existing between our two countries."

In keeping with Haitian political tradition, President Vincent extended his term in office by unconstitutional means until 1941. The country was then far along the road that would take it to the long darkness of Papa Doc.

R.L. Schreadley is a former Post and Courier executive editor.